The Attractiveness Halo Effect and the Babyface Stereotype in Older and Younger Adults: Similarities, Own-Age Accentuation, and OA Positivity Effects (2024)

The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at Exp Aging Res

Participants

Forty-eight YA participants (23 men), aged 18–22 (M = 18.8, SD = 1.0), were recruited from a university and completed the study for course credit or payment of $15. Forty-eight OA participants (24 men), aged 65–85, (M = 76.3, SD = 6.4), were recruited from the local community and were paid $25 for completing the study. OA were screened using the Mini-Mental State Examination (Folstein et al., 1975) all scoring above 26 out of 30 (M = 28.9, SD = 1.2).

Facial Stimuli

Three sets of facial images were used. One was from the Boston Study of Management Processes, a Boston-area sub-sample of participants from the study of Midlife Development in the United States (MIDUS) (Lachman, 1997). The images were color frontal facial photographs displaying neutral expressions, with a grey cape to mask clothing. Sixty nine younger adults (41 men) between the ages of 25 and 39 (M = 32.7, SD = 4.2), and 68 older adults (44 men) between the ages of 60 and 74 (M = 66.1, SD =4.1) were included. Images were displayed at an approximate size of 7.5 × 9.5 cm. Two additional sets of grayscale images were taken from the Intergenerational Studies (IGS) archive, a longitudinal study of representative samples of individuals born in Berkeley, California, in the late 1920s or attending school in Oakland, California, in the 1930s (Eichorn, 1981). The images included two photographs of 198 individuals (74 men) who were photographed between 17–18 years of age and between 52 and 62 years of age, for a total of 296 images. It should be noted that the younger faces in the MIDUS set were older than our YA raters. Also, the older faces in the IGS set as well as some in the MIDUS set were younger than our OA raters. Indeed, for MIDUS faces the within-group age range exceeded the between-group age range. Thus is it more appropriate to view the younger and older faces as differing in age-similarity to raters rather than being ‘own-age vs. other-age,’ which may weaken the predicted own-age accentuation effect.

To reduce the rating task for IGS faces to a reasonable length, the images were divided into two sets, with equal numbers of older and younger men and women included in each set. The images in each set were matched within demographic group on previously collected attractiveness ratings by YA (for more information about the photographs and the ratings, see ). The two IGS face sets did not differ in the attractiveness ratings by YA or OA in the current sample. However, one set was rated as marginally more babyfaced by OA, t(30) = 1.76, p = .09, with no differences shown in babyface ratings by YA, t < 1. Images were displayed at an approximate facial size of 9 × 11 cm.

Dependent measures

Procedure

After obtaining informed consent, participants completed a computerized version of the PANAS. Next, MediaLab software (Empirisoft, New York City, NY) was used to present the trait rating task. Participants were randomly assigned to one of two rating orders: healthy, untrustworthy, competent, aggressive/hostile, attractive, and babyfaced, or aggressive/hostile, competent, untrustworthy, healthy, babyfaced, and attractive. They rated one of the three sets of faces, which were shown in one of four orders, counterbalancing age and sex of face. Participants were asked to rate each face in comparison to the other faces of that age/sex grouping so that variations in trait impressions would less likely reflect sex or age stereotypes, as we were interested in whether the face stereotypes of OA were responsive to variations in facial appearance within demographic groups, as has been previously shown for YA. Faces were shown for either 4s (Boston Study faces) or 3s (IGS faces) after which the face disappeared and the rating scale appeared on the screen, remaining until the rating was made. Participants rated all faces on one trait scale before the next one was introduced. An instruction screen appeared prior to each scale indicating what the trait rating would be. Following the face ratings, a demographic and health questionnaire and the remaining control measures were administered.

Overview of Analyses

We used a multi-level model approach examining effects of attractiveness and babyfaceness separately for each trait impression. We created two models for each trait rating, one examining attractiveness and the other examining babyfaceness. To account for both subject-level and face-level variance, participant and face were included as random effects in each model, with face-level factors nested within subject-level factors. More specifically, each model included the appearance quality of interest (attractiveness or babyfaceness), and face age group (younger faces coded as 0, older faces coded as 1) as face-level factors, as well as participant age (YA coded as 0, OA coded as 1) as a subject-level factor together with all two-way and three-way interactions between these three variables. Each model also included the other appearance quality (e.g., babyfaceness in the attractiveness model) as well as face sex (female faces coded as 0, male coded as 1) as face- level control variables, but the interactions involving these variables were not included in the model. Each participant’s trait rating for each face served as the dependent variable.

To visualize significant interaction effects, we plotted expected values based on the regression equations derived from the models. These plots were conducted using values +1 and −1 standard deviations from the mean for attractiveness and babyfaceness for each of the four traits to represent high and low values for each of those appearance qualities. To further explicate interactions, we conducted simple slopes tests for OA and YA separately for older and younger faces (see ) to determine whether effects of attractiveness and babyfaceness were significant for each age group rating older and younger faces separately. Finally, we used slope difference tests to determine whether the slopes differed significantly (see ).

Attractiveness Halo

Babyface Stereotype

Do OA show face stereotypes?

OA are just as vulnerable to face stereotypes as YA. They showed an attractiveness halo effect, judging more attractive people as more competent and healthy as well as less hostile and untrustworthy, consistent with a large body of research on YA (Eagly et al., 1991; Langlois, 2000). OA also showed a babyface stereotype, judging more babyfaced people as less hostile and untrustworthy, consistent with a large body of research on YA (; ; ; ). It bears noting that the equivalence of face stereotypes across rater age held true despite poorer performance of OA on many control measures. Also, effects of attractiveness and babyfaceness held with the other appearance variable and face sex controlled, extending a previous study that showed a halo effect for OA without controlling these variables (). That research also failed to directly compare the strength of the halo effect shown by OA to YA or to control face age, which the present results reveal is an important moderating variable.

In addition to showing previously documented face stereotype effects, participants, perceived more babyfaced older people as healthier, a component of the babyface stereotype not previously documented in research focusing on younger faces. Moreover, this effect was stronger for OA. OA further associated higher babyfaceness with greater competence, whereas there was no significant relationship for YA. The tendency for OA to associate higher babyfaceness with greater competence and to show a stronger tendency than YA to associate it with greater health suggests that OA are more attuned to the positive implications of a more youthful appearance for health and competence in older individuals. Indeed, there is evidence that people who look younger for their age are healthier (Gunn et al., 2013). Although the null effect for YA is inconsistent with some research documenting a negative relationship between babyfaceness and YA competence ratings (), most research on the babyface stereotype has documented a positive relationship between babyfaceness and YA ratings of naivete (see , for a comprehensive review). Also, some research has failed to find a relationship between babyfaceness and perceived intelligence (McArthur & Apatow, 1983). Competence is a broad term, and it may be that the interpretation of participants in the present study was closer to intelligence than to naivete. Additional research investigating impressions of the naivete of individuals who vary in babyfaceness would be useful to ascertain whether OA show this well-documented YA stereotype.

Is there ‘own-age’ accentuation in face stereotypes?

The hypothesis that stereotypes would be stronger when judging faces closer to one’s own age received support in 5 of the 8 stereotypes examined. Consistent with predictions, there was own-age accentuation in the halo effect on impressions of competence and health and in the babyface effect on impressions of health, untrustworthiness, and hostility. More specifically, OA showed a weaker halo effect than YA for impressions of the competence and health of younger faces, and a stronger effect for impressions of the health of older faces. Similarly, babyfaceness had a stronger effect on YA than OA impressions of the untrustworthiness of younger faces and a stronger effect on OA than YA impressions of the hostility and health of older faces. On the other hand, there was no significant own-age accentuation in the halo effect for impressions of trustworthiness and hostility or in the babyface stereotype for impressions of competence.

Whereas some face stereotypes did not show own-age accentuation, in no case did attractiveness or babyfaceness have a stronger effect when faces differed markedly in age from the raters than when they were similar in age. Although some of the ‘younger’ faces were older than our YA raters and some of the ‘older’ faces were younger than our OA raters, the effects we found are nevertheless consistent with other evidence for an ‘own-age’ bias. Just as people show better age, emotion, and identity recognition for own-age faces (Malatesta et al., 1987; Voelkle et al., 2011; ), so do they tend to show more sensitivity to attractiveness and babyfaceness when judging similar-age faces. These effects reflect the implications drawn from different levels of attractiveness and babyfaceness rather than own-age accentuation in the appearance ratings (see Footnote ²).

The stronger halo effect for impressions of the health and competence of similar-age faces may be interpreted within the context of previous research demonstrating stronger halo effects for traits that are more culturally valued (; ). Arguably, people may place more value on the health of similar-age peers, which could explain the stronger halo effect for OA than YA impressions of the health of older faces, with a reverse trend for younger faces. It also seems reasonable to suggest that YA college students care more about the competence of younger people than do OA, which could explain the stronger halo effect for YA than OA on impressions of the competence of younger faces. On this account, the absence of own-age accentuation in the halo effect for impressions of hostility and untrustworthiness suggests that people place equal value on these traits in people whether they are similar or dissimilar in age. It is noteworthy that variations in attractiveness predict actual variations in competence and health (; ). Thus, the stronger effects of attractiveness on impressions of similar-age faces may reflect not only a stronger valuation of health and competence in those faces, but also a greater sensitivity to cues in those faces that are diagnostic of these traits

Is there a positivity effect in OA face stereotypes?

Based on previous evidence for a positivity bias in OA (Castle et al., in press; ; ; Ruffman et al., 2006; Zebrowitz et al., in press), we predicted that when OA showed stronger face stereotypes than YA, this would reflect stronger effects on impressions of attractiveness and babyfaceness at the high, positive end of these appearance continua rather than at the low, negative end, while weaker OA stereotypes would reflect weaker effects of attractiveness and babyfaceness at the negative end of the continua rather than at the positive end. These predictions were supported in all but one of the instances in which we found age differences in the strength of appearance stereotypes. Specifically the weaker OA halo effects for overall impressions of untrustworthiness and impressions of younger faces’ health, and the weaker OA babyface effects for impressions of younger faces’ untrustworthiness and older faces’ hostility all reflected a weaker influence of low attractiveness or low babyfaceness on OA than YA impressions rather than a weaker influence of high attractiveness or high babyfaceness. This can be seen in Figures 1 and ​and2,2, where YA and OA ratings diverge more at the low than the high end of the attractiveness continuum. The one exception was the OA weaker halo effect for impressions of younger faces’ competence, which reflected a weaker influence of high attractiveness on OA than YA impressions. Complementing the overall support for the predicted OA lower responsiveness to negative facial cues was evidence for their greater responsiveness to positive cues. Specifically, the stronger OA halo effect for impressions of the health of older faces and the stronger OA babyface effects for impressions of the health and hostility of older faces all reflected a stronger influence of high attractiveness or high babyfaceness on OA than YA impressions rather than a stronger influence of low attractiveness or babyfaceness. This can be seen in Figures 1 and ​and2,2, where YA and OA ratings diverge more at the high than the low end of the attractiveness continuum In addition, the tendency for OA to associate high babyfaceness with greater competence, whereas YA did not, can also be construed as an OA positivity effect. In sum, the weaker face stereotypes shown by OA than YA were largely due to OA showing more positive impressions of people with negative facial cues, and the stronger face stereotypes shown by OA were largely due to OA showing more positive impressions of people with positive facial cues.

Future research should examine the mechanisms underlying the documented own-age accentuation and OA positivity effects in face stereotypes. One possible mechanism is variations in attention. Previous research using eye-tracking has demonstrated that OA show greater attention to more positively valenced faces and less attention to negatively valenced faces (Isaacowitz, Wadlinger, Goren, & Wilson, 2008). It may also be that people show greater attention to similar-age faces. Another related mechanism is variations in differentiation, the degree to which people perceive variation among faces. People’s ratings of various traits or appearance qualities may reveal greater differentiation of own-age faces, and OA may show greater differentiation of positively valenced faces and less differentiation of negatively valenced ones. This could be assessed using an index developed by that has been applied to investigate the extent to which people perceive variations in other-race vs. own-race faces ().

Whatever the mechanism proves to be, our results raise the interesting possibility that previously documented appearance biases in the judicial, occupational, and political domains may differ when OA and YA are making the decisions. The fact that OA perceived more babyfaced people as more competent together with their weaker association of attractiveness and babyfaceness with trustworthiness may mitigate judicial biases whereby more attractive defendants and plaintiffs fare better, more babyfaced defendants accused of willful misconduct are more likely to be exonerated, and more babyfaced defendants accused of negligence are more likely to be found at fault (Stewart, 1980; ). The same age differences in facial stereotypes may weaken or even reverse documented effects of attractiveness and babyfaceness on occupational and political outcomes (; ; ; Rule et al., 2010; ). In addition, the finding that age differences in the strength of face stereotypes largely reflected OA lesser responsiveness to negative facial cues or greater responsiveness to positive ones rather than vice versa suggests that decisions made by OA in socially significant domains are more likely to favor people who are high in attractiveness rather than penalizing those who are low. The reverse is likely to be true for YA given evidence that the halo effect for them reflects negative responses to unattractive faces more than positive responses to attractive ones (). Finally, the stronger face stereotypes shown for own-age faces suggests that biasing effects of appearance on significant social outcomes are likely to be stronger when people are making decisions about similar-age peers.

The authors would like to thank Stacey Ng for her helpful comments on an earlier draft. We also thank Bosiljka Milosavljevic for her help in recruiting participants and collecting data as well as Ilana Abramson, Suzanne Hillman, Joanne Qiao, and Justine Zayhowski.

Funding

This work was supported by the National Institutes of Health (grant number AG38375 to L. A. Z.).

¹Face age significantly moderated the effect of attractiveness on ratings of hostile (β = .043, SE = .022, p = .051) and untrustworthy, (β = −.038, SE = .020, p = .066) revealing a weaker halo effect for younger faces that did not vary with rater age.

²Analyses of variance on attractiveness and babyface ratings revealed that OA rated the faces as significantly more attractive (YA: M = 2.92, SD = .71, OA: M = 3.49, SD = .71, F (1,90) = 15.8, p < .001), but there was no rater age difference in ratings of babyfaceness (YA: M = 3.15, SD = .76, OA: M = 3.01, SD = .90; F(1,90) = .55). In addition, younger faces were rated as more attractive (younger faces M = 3.34, SD = .78, older faces M = 3.07, SD = .92; F(1,90) = 11.2, p = .001) and more babyfaced, (younger faces M = 3.33, SD = .86, older faces M = 2.83, SD = .95; F(1,90) = 49.3 p < .001). The face age effect for babyface ratings was not moderated by rater age, F(1,90) = 1.08, but there was a marginally significant moderation for attractiveness ratings, F(1,90) = 3.07 p = .083. Comparisons within each rater age revealed that OA ratings of the attractiveness of younger and older faces were not significantly different, (younger faces: M = 3.55, SD = .77, older faces: M = 3.43, SD = .82; t(47) = 1.52, p = .22), whereas YA rated younger faces as more attractive (younger faces: M = 3.12, SD = .73, older faces: M = 2.72, SD = .88; t(47) = 3.61, p = .001). Although YA showed own-age accentuation in attractiveness ratings, they did not show any own-age accentuation in in the halo effect. Thus, these results indicate that own-age accentuation found in the strength of the babyface and attractiveness stereotypes cannot be attributed to own age accentuation in mean ratings of attractiveness or babyfaceness.

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